According to Haeretz, at least one international leader believes this to be the case. Read on:
“Why do we have to hold President Bashir or the Sudanese government responsible when the Darfur problem was caused by outside parties, and Tel Aviv [Israel], for example, is behind the Darfur crisis?”
Gaddafi suggested without presenting any evidence that the Israeli military was among those stoking the conflict:
“It is not a secret. We have found evidence proving clearly that foreign forces are behind the Darfur problem and are fanning its fire,” Gaddafi said, according to the Libyan state news agency Jana.
This wouldn’t be the first time something of this nature was staged by the Israelis (either alone or in coordination with an ally).
Moreover, Africans have no permanent allies — in fact, they’ve had mostly a band of permanent enemies who shift sides as required by the times and vissicitudes of their armed combatants.
While there is no doubt that Israeli leaders have always had philanthropic attitudes toward Africa, their primary interest in the continent rested on the more tangible grounds of Realpolitik. Just as Africa was the scene of a battle of influence among the superpowers, so too has it been a battlefield between Israel and the Arabs. This battlefield was particularly important during Israel’s first 2 decades because the United States had not yet proven itself a reliable ally nor for that matter had the Soviet Union proven itself as the guarantor of its clients in the Arab world.(3) Thus, it was not necessarily hyperbole when Dan Avni, the Deputy Director of the Africa Department in Israel’s Foreign Ministry, described the struggle in Africa as “a fight of life and death for us.”(4) Thus, even small African nations like Togo become pawns in the effort to obtain an advantage on the continent.
One of Israel’s main contributions to Africa was military aid, which was provided in the form of conventional and paramilitary training and, to a lesser extent, by the sale of arms. By 1966, 10 African states had received some direct military assistance from Israel and, in each case, the aid was provided to individuals who were either influential or potentially influential. For example, Israel trained Mobutu Sese Seko, the General of the Congolese army, who, two years later, became that nation’s President.(10)
If you trained the most vicious kleptocratic ruler in recent memory, there is precious little that can be put past you.
Time will reveal whether these accusations can be substantiated. There are some things that should give one pause in dismissing the allegation:
- The US-based support has come principally from Jewish political leaders who have no history of advocacy on critical issues impacting Africans or even African-Americans. In fact, in many instances, those calling for justice in Sudan have been on the other side of the aisle on domestic issues. Does that mean they’re wrong here or were wrong before? Not at all. It’s just something to consider.
- The millions of dollars collected by SaveDarfur.org were largely used to fund the media campaign rather than supply direct aid to persons with the greatest need.
- Much of the focus by the entities seeking justice in Sudan is aimed at the Chinese and ignores private US investment in the country.
- The US-based political entities calling for justice in Sudan are silent on the critical conditions in the Congo and elsewhere on the continent.
- The US-based political entities calling for justice in Sudan frame the issue as Arab vs. non-Arab — and do not clarify this has nothing to do with race. Instead, the allegation dangles and ensnares the unwitting.
What do you say? What does Israel have to gain from their engagement here? What do they stand to lose? Are not most African states already opposed to Israel on the grounds that Zionism is racism? If these accusations are false, what, if anything should Israel do to prove its case?
For Americans, the Libyan head of state is a discredited and isolated leader ranting into the wilderness. That is pure folly. He was appointed to lead the African Union and this will have implications across the globe.
The Libyan leader envisages a single African military force, a single currency and a single passport for Africans to move freely around the continent.
He agreed to a US-led to terminate Libya’s nuclear program. The program was stripped years ago with the understanding that considerable development assistance would be arriving from the West. The aid never arrived. The Libyans, not unlike the South Africans, have abandoned their nuclear programs, but have continued to resist US plans for a military operation based in Africa.
The heavy accusation that the State of Israel is engaged in fomenting a rebellion in the sovereign State of Sudan is weighty indeed. Perhaps the future of US-Africa relations will be impacted by how this plays out. The question is important if for no other reason than that the US currently imports more oil from Africa than it does from Saudi Arabia.
The think tank that plots all American wars has this to say:
China’s booming economy, which has averaged annual 9 percent growth for the last two decades, requires massive levels of energy to sustain its growth. Though China relies on coal for most of its energy needs, it is the second-largest consumer of oil in the world behind the United States. Once the largest oil exporter in Asia, China became a net importer of oil in 1993. The International Energy Agency projects China’s net oil imports will jump to 13.1 million barrels per day by 2030 from 3.5 million barrels per day in 2006. China currently imports about half its oil supplies from the Middle East, and that percentage is projected to grow in coming decades. Yet the extent of the country’s energy demand has also compelled China to push into new markets, and particularly Africa.
Africa holds a fraction of the world’s proven oil reserves—9 percent compared to the Middle East’s nearly 62 percent—but industry analysts believe it could hold significant undiscovered reserves. As a result, China is seeking to increase its oil imports from the continent. It now receives about one-third of its oil imports from Africa, 9 percent of the continent’s total exports in 2006 (by contrast, the United States purchased 33 percent of that year’s exports from Africa). China’s biggest suppliers in Africa as of 2006 were Angola, the Republic of Congo, Equatorial Guinea, and Sudan. It has also sought supplies from Chad, Nigeria, Algeria, and Gabon.